In short, Newton believed that blacks should form a radical coalition with gays as a way to strengthen both groups in opposition to the dominant social and political hierarchies of Cold War America. In the end, however, Newton was not able to form such a coalition because of notions of respectability that governed many civil rights organizations' agendas and the socially conservative nature of mainline black churches.
Debate: Huey Newton Dissertation – | Gobierno Abierto
Pages 86 p. Subject Headings American History. APA Citation. Poston, L. Electronic Thesis or Dissertation. MLA Citation.
Poston, Lance. Ohio University, Chicago Citation. Huey P.
How many of you motherfuckers are coming out here? The prisoner who greeted Joe Blum was Huey P. Newton, then in jail for felonious assault. The friendship of Blum and Newton was a cameo for the brief alliance of white radicals and black militants in the wake of the civil rights struggle. Both were students at Oakland City College in and, on that morning in the bus at Santa Rita, Blum was struck by Newton remembering him. He later interviewed Newton when in prison in on the charge of murdering a police officer and published the conversation as a very influential article in the The Movement.
In he even named his son Huey. In the early hours of the morning of 22 October Newton was gunned down in West Oakland. Much earlier, back in , some representatives of the Black Panthers visited Jean Genet in Paris asking for solidarity; he replied that he was prepared to travel to the USA immediately. His subsequent public statements in support of the Panthers are collected in his book The Declared Enemy: Texts and Interviews , but it is in his last book, Prisoner of Love , that he proposed a methodology for understanding their struggle, one that links it with the Palestinian resistance, in which he also directly participated.
He was struck there by how the killers had taken great pains to create little visual scenarios — little installations of terror — designed to be photographed, televised and disseminated worldwide as a spectacle of humiliation. From one wall of the street to the other, arched or curved, their feet pushing on one wall and their heads leaning against the other, the blackened and swollen corpses I had to step over were all Palestinian and Lebanese.
The walk multiplies the dimensions of the experience, restoring depth to the two dimensions of a photographic testimony implicated in a spectacle of terror. They deliberately set out to create a dramatic image.
Huey newton thesis
The image was a theatre for enacting a tragedy and for stamping it out — a bitter tragedy about themselves, a bitter tragedy for the Whites. They aimed to project their image in the press and on the screen until the Whites were haunted by it. And they succeeded. Wherever they went the Americans were the masters, so the Panthers should do their best to terrorize the masters by the only means available to them. And the spectacle would work because it was the product of despair. Did they have any choice? All these options happened, but the metamorphosis was by far the most important, and that is why the Panthers can be said to have overcome through poetry.
But this was not the poetry of the spectacle; it was the multidimensional expression of an emergent capacity to resist. Huey Newton and Bobby Seale with guns and leather jackets in ; Huey posed by Eldridge Cleaver with gun and spear in an image he despised; Huey taking his shirt off when leaving prison in — moments from the escalating spectacle that Genet saw was both weapon and trap. But against this iconography may be posed the photographs of kids eating free breakfasts, community ambulances and the title page of Huey P.
How the authorities in the United States ever expected the black men that they trained to be Marines, like Williams, to leave the army and meekly return to the humiliations of Jim Crow is beyond belief.
This is confirmed by Hugh Pearson, who in his implacably hostile The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America leaves us with a spectacular portrait of the revolutionary as pantomime villain. Imagine J. Stepping back from the carnival that swept up, and then swept away, Huey P.
Newton, perhaps it is time to look instead at Newton as the revolutionary intellectual who turned away from the religious inspiration of the Christian Civil Rights Movement and the Nation of Islam and looked towards philosophy for strategic and tactical insight. This came at a price. Anyone familiar with the political theology of resistance cannot fail to be struck by a certain thanato-political groundtone resounding from Plato and his scenario of the death of Socrates — his revolutionary suicide — played out in the Phaedo.
In place of the immortal soul, however, Newton proposes the immortal revolution that is always to come — in the meantime, though, in this life, there is but resistance. The dominant lineage passed from an emphasis on the modal category of possibility to the problem of the realization of freedom: Fichte,.
Schiller and Hegel worked through this revolutionary lineage dedicated to realizing freedom. The other, less well known, line of descent passed through Johann Kiesewetter, Kleist and above all Clausewitz, emphasizing the modal category of actuality and the problem of opposed force or resistance.
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The opening proposition of this strategic and tactical reflection locates the black struggle firmly at the level of resistance:. The Black masses are handling the resistance incorrectly. Newton here reveals a strategic weakness in the resistance, one that Clausewitz warned against repeatedly. The strategic conduct of resistance is the responsibility of the vanguard party, whose task for Newton ends there: it is responsible for building and sustaining a capacity to resist, hopefully as a prelude to revolution but with a clear strategic priority lent to self-defence.
It must teach by words and action the correct and strategic methods of prolonged resistance.
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Newton also shows an acute grasp of the actuality of war and the vital necessity of preserving capacity to resist in this setting:. So if things get worse for oppressed people they will feel the need for revolution and resistance. The people make revolution; the oppressors, by their brutal actions, cause resistance by the people. The vanguard party only teaches the correct methods of resistance. Yet resistance is always in danger of adopting a purely reactive posture that adapts itself to the initiatives of the adversary — one that is momentary, not prolonged; reactive and not the expression of an affirmative capacity to resist.
The rightly celebrated Ten-Point Program of October is thus not directly revolutionary, but certainly not reformist, as objected by some of its critics. It attempts to theorize an eventual move from resistance to revolution through constituting and augmenting the capacity to resist:.